Sunday, December 21, 2014

purple tree house haiku week 7

the cat hops to his lap
wiggling his body for comfort
improper contacts

...

thick red finger nails
the girl braids her long hair
for her first date


Christmas Special of Poetic Forms : HAIKU (Week 7, A Repost of week 4)

Sunday, December 7, 2014

November 21, 22, 2012 Wednesday...

 

American Airlines,
Flight 2197 D29,
Dallas, Airport, 8:40am.
.
Teminal parking,
Level 5, D and J, morning,
$11 charged per day.
.
Tuesday evening,
leave home at 5:15pm.
highway 35, South, Heavy traffic.
.
Construction delay at OKC,
30 minutes, 15 miles per hour,
glad that not hungry.
.
Texas gas stations,
some prices are resonably
low, $3.03, or $3.05.
.
Group number 4,
Seats 17C, 22A, 22B,
Boeing 757, sunny.
.
Take off on time,
Blue sky, white cloud below,
peaceful moments.

Thursday, November 6, 2014

Paul Pimsleur

 

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Paul Pimsleur
Born October 17, 1927
New York City
Died June 22, 1976 (aged 48)
France [1]
Cause of death
Heart attack
Alma mater City College of New York (B.A.)
Columbia University
(M.S., Ph.D.)
Occupation professor, linguist, educator
Known for Pimsleur Language Aptitude Battery
Pimsleur language learning system
Paul Pimsleur (October 17, 1927 – June 22, 1976) was a scholar in the field of applied linguistics. He developed the Pimsleur language learning system, which, along with his many publications, had a significant effect upon theories of language learning and teaching[citation needed].

Early life and education

Paul M. Pimsleur was born in New York City and grew up in The Bronx. His father, Solomon Pimsleur, was an immigrant from France and a composer of music; his American-born mother was a librarian at Columbia University. Pimsleur earned a bachelor's degree at the City College of New York, and from Columbia University he earned a master's degree in psychological statistics and a Ph.D. in French.

Career

His first position involved teaching French phonetics and phonemics at the University of California, Los Angeles. After leaving UCLA, Pimsleur went on to faculty positions at the Ohio State University, where he taught French and foreign language education. At the time, the foreign language education program at OSU was the major doctoral program in that field in the U.S. While at Ohio State he created and directed the Listening Center, one of the largest language laboratories in the United States. The center was developed in conjunction with Ohio Bell Telephone and allowed self-paced language study using a series of automated tapes and prompts that were delivered over the telephone.
Later, Pimsleur was a professor of education and romance languages at The State University of New York at Albany, where he held dual professorships in education and French. He was a Fulbright lecturer at the Ruprecht Karls University of Heidelberg in 1968 and 1969 and a founding member of the American Council on the Teaching of Foreign Languages (ACTFL). He did research on the psychology of language learning and in 1969 was section head of psychology of second languages learning at the International Congress of Applied Linguistics.
His research focused on understanding the language acquisition process, especially the learning process of children, who speak a language without knowing its formal structure. The term "organic learning" was applied to that phenomenon. For this, he studied the learning process of groups made of children, adults, and multilingual adults. The result of this research was the Pimsleur language learning system. His many books and articles had an impact on theories of language learning and teaching.[2]
In the period from 1958 to 1966, Pimsleur reviewed previously published studies regarding linguistic and psychological factors involved in language learning. He also conducted several studies independently. This led to the publication in 1963 of a coauthored monograph, Underachievement in Foreign Language Learning, which was published by the Modern Language Association of America.
Through this research, he identified three factors that could be measured to calculate language learning aptitude: verbal intelligence, auditory ability, and motivation. Pimsleur and his associates developed the Pimsleur Language Aptitude Battery (PLAB) based on these three factors to assess language aptitude. He was one of the first foreign language educators to show an interest in students who have difficulty in learning a foreign language while doing well in other subjects. Today, the PLAB is used to determine the language-learning aptitude, or even a language-learning disability, among secondary-school students.

Death

Pimsleur died unexpectedly of a heart attack during a visit to France in 1976.[1]

Legacy

Since its creation in 1977, The ACTFL-MLJ Paul Pimsleur Award for Research in Foreign Language Education, which is awarded annually, bears his name.[3]
Paul's business partner, Charles Heinle, continued to develop the Pimsleur courses until he sold the company to Simon & Schuster Audio in 1997.[citation needed]
In 2006, Pimsleur's daughter, Julia Pimsleur, created the Entertainment Immersion Method (R) inspired by the Pimsleur Method, which is the foundation of the Little Pim language teaching program for young children, sold in the U.S. and 22 countries. [4]
In 2013, Simon & Schuster reissued Dr. Paul Pimsleur's out-of-print book How to Learn a Foreign Language[5] in hardcover and eBook format to celebrate the 50th anniversary of Paul Pimsleur's first course.

Selected works

  • Pimsleur, Paul; Quinn, Terence (editors). The psychology of second language learning: papers from the Second International Congress of Applied Linguistics, Cambridge, 8–12 September 1969. London, Cambridge University Press, 1971. ISBN 0521082366
  • Poems make pictures; pictures make poems. Poems by Giose Rimanelli and Paul Pimsleur. New York : Pantheon Books. 1972. ISBN 0394923871
  • Pimsleur, Paul. Encounters; a basic reader. [simplified by] Paul Pimsleur [and] Donald Berger. New York, Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. 1974. ISBN 0155226857
  • Pimsleur, Paul. How to learn a foreign language. Boston, Mass. : Heinle & Heinle Publishers, 1980.

Further reading

  • Hommage à Paul Pimsleur / mise en œuvre, Robert Galisson. Paris : Didier, 1977. (French)
  • How To Learn a Language, Carl J. Beuke, PhD. Brief article summarising some of the points from Paul Pimsleur's (now republished by Simon & Schuster http://pages.pimsleur.com/pimsleur-book) book "How To Learn a Foreign Language". Psychology Today, 2012.

Tuesday, October 14, 2014

Jiang Zemin

 

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jiang Zemin
江泽民
Jiang Zemin St. Petersburg2002.jpg
Jiang in 2002
General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China
In office
24 June 1989 – 15 November 2002
Deputy Li Peng
Zhu Rongji
Li Ruihuan
Hu Jintao
Preceded by Zhao Ziyang
Succeeded by Hu Jintao
Chairman of the CPC Central Military Commission
In office
9 November 1989 – 19 September 2004
Preceded by Deng Xiaoping
Succeeded by Hu Jintao
5th President of the People's Republic of China
In office
27 March 1993 – 15 March 2003
Premier Li Peng
Zhu Rongji
Vice President Rong Yiren
Hu Jintao
Preceded by Yang Shangkun
Succeeded by Hu Jintao
Chairman of the PRC Central Military Commission
In office
19 March 1990 – 8 March 2005
Preceded by Deng Xiaoping
Succeeded by Hu Jintao
Member of the 13,14,15 th CPC Politburo Standing Committee
In office
24 June 1989 – 15 November 2002
General Secretary Himself
Secretary of the CPC Shanghai Committee
In office
November 1987 – June 1989
Deputy Zhu Rongji (Mayor)
Preceded by Rui Xingwen
Succeeded by Zhu Rongji
Member of the
National People's Congress
In office
25 March 1988 – 5 March 2008
Constituency Shanghai At-large
Personal details
Born 17 August 1926 (age 88)
Yangzhou, Jiangsu
Nationality Chinese
Political party Communist Party of China
Spouse(s) Wang Yeping
Children Jiang Mianheng
Jiang Miankang
Alma mater Shanghai Jiao Tong University
Profession Electrical engineer
Signature
This is a Chinese name; the family name is Jiang.
Jiang Zemin
Traditional Chinese 江澤民
Simplified Chinese 江泽民
Jiang Zemin (born 17 August 1926) is a retired Chinese politician who served as General Secretary of the Communist Party of China from 1989 to 2002, as Chairman of the Central Military Commission from 1989 to 2004, and as President of the People's Republic of China from 1993 to 2003. Jiang has described as the "core of the third generation" of Communist Party leaders since 1989. Also, his long career and political prominence have led to him being "paramount leader" of China.
Jiang Zemin came to power following the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989, replacing Zhao Ziyang as General Secretary, the highest office within the Communist Party of China. With the waning influence of Deng Xiaoping and the other members of Eight Elders due to old age — and with the help of old and powerful party and state leaders, elder Chen Yun and former President Li Xiannian — Jiang effectively became the "paramount leader" in the 1990s.
Under his leadership, China experienced substantial developmental growth with reforms, saw the peaceful return of Hong Kong from the United Kingdom and Macau from Portugal, and improved its relations with the outside world while the Communist Party maintained its tight control over the government. Jiang has been criticized for being too concerned about his personal image at home, and too conciliatory towards Russia and the United States abroad.[1]

Background and ascendancy

Jiang was born in the city of Yangzhou, Jiangsu. His ancestral home was the Jiang Village (江村), Jingde County, Anhui. This was also the hometown of a number of prominent figures in Chinese academic and intellectual establishments. Jiang grew up during the years of Japanese occupation. His uncle, Jiang Shangqing, died fighting the Japanese in World War II and is considered to be a national hero.[citation needed] Since Shangqing had no heirs, Jiang became the adopted son of Shangqing's wife, or his aunt, Wang Zhelan, to whom he referred to as "Niang"(Chinese: 娘) or "Mom." Jiang attended the Department of Electrical Engineering at the National Central University in Japanese-occupied Nanjing before being transferred to Shanghai Jiao Tong University. He graduated there in 1947 with a Bachelor's degree in electrical engineering.
Jiang married Wang Yeping in 1949, also a native of Yangzhou.[2] She graduated from Shanghai International Studies University.[3] They have two sons, Jiang Mianheng and Jiang Miankang.[3]
He claims that he joined the Communist Party of China when he was in college.[4] After the establishment of the People's Republic of China, Jiang received his training at the Stalin Automobile Works in Moscow in the 1950s. He also worked for Changchun's First Automobile Works. He eventually got transferred to government services, where he began to rise in prominence and rank, eventually becoming a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, Minister of Electronic Industries in 1983.
In 1985 he became Mayor of Shanghai, and subsequently the Party Secretary of Shanghai. Jiang received mixed reviews as mayor. Many of his critics dismissed him as a "flower pot", a Chinese term for someone who only seems useful, but actually gets nothing done.[5] Many credited Shanghai's growth during the period to Zhu Rongji.[6] Jiang was an ardent believer, during this period, in Deng Xiaoping's economic reforms. In an attempt to curb student discontent in 1986, Jiang recited the Gettysburg Address in English in front of a group of student protesters.[7][8]
Jiang was described as having a passable command of several foreign languages,[9] including Romanian, Russian, and English. One of his favorite activities was to engage foreign visitors in small talk on arts and literature in their native language, in addition to singing foreign songs in the original language.[9] He became friends with Allen Broussard, the African-American judge who visited Shanghai in 1987 and Brazilian actress Lucélia Santos.[citation needed]
Jiang was elevated to national politics in 1987, automatically becoming a member of the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee because it is customarily dictated that the Party chief of the Communist Party of China|Party secretary]] of Shanghai would also have a seat in the Politburo. In 1989, China was in crisis over the Tiananmen Square protest, and the central government was in conflict on how to handle the protesters. In June, Deng Xiaoping dismissed liberal Zhao Ziyang, who was considered to be too conciliatory toward the student protestors. At the time, Jiang was the Shanghai Party secretary, the top figure in China's new economic center. In an incident with the World Economic Herald, Jiang closed down the newspaper, deeming it to be harmful. The handling of the crisis in Shanghai was noticed by Beijing, and then by paramount leader Deng Xiaoping. As the protests escalated and then Party general secretary Zhao Ziyang was removed from office, Jiang was selected by the Party leaders as a compromise candidate over Tianjin's Li Ruihuan, Premier Li Peng, Li Xiannian, Chen Yun, and the retired elders to become the new General Secretary. Before that, he had been considered to be an unlikely candidate.[10] Within three years, Deng had transferred most power in the state, party and military to Jiang.

Early leadership

Jiang was elevated to the country's top job in 1989 with a fairly small power base inside the party, and thus, very little actual power.[11] His most reliable allies were the powerful party elders – Chen Yun and Li Xiannian. He was believed as simply a transitional figure until a more stable successor government to Deng could be put in place. Other prominent Party and military figures like Yang Shangkun and brother Yang Baibing were believed to be planning a coup. Jiang used Deng Xiaoping as a back-up to his leadership in the first few years. Jiang, who was believed[12] to have a neo-conservative slant, warned against "bourgeois liberalization". Deng's belief, however, stipulated that the only solution to keeping the legitimacy of Communist rule over China was to continue the drive for modernization and economic reform, and therefore placed himself at odds with Jiang.
At the first meeting of the new Politburo Standing Committee, after the Tiananmen Square massacre of 1989, Jiang criticized the previous period as "hard on the economy, soft on politics" and advocated increasing political thought work.[13] Anne-Marie Brady writes that "Jiang Zemin was a long time political cadre with a nose for ideological work and its importance. This meeting marked the beginning of a new era in propaganda and political thought work in China." Soon after, the Central Propaganda Department was given more resources and power, "including the power to go in to the propaganda-related work units and cleanse the ranks of those who had been supportive of the democracy movement."[13]
Deng grew critical of Jiang's leadership in 1992. During Deng's southern tours, he subtly suggested that the pace of reform was not fast enough, and the "central leadership" (i.e. Jiang) had most responsibility. Jiang grew ever more cautious, and rallied behind Deng's reforms completely. In 1993, Jiang coined the new term "socialist market economy" to move China's centrally-planned socialist economy into essentially a government-regulated capitalist market economy. It was a huge step to take in the realization of Deng's "Socialism with Chinese characteristics". At the same time, Jiang elevated many of his supporters from Shanghai to high government positions, after regaining Deng's confidence. He abolished the outdated Central Advisory Committee, an advisory body composed of revolutionary party elders. He became General Secretary of the Communist Party of China and Chairman of the Central Military Commission in 1989, followed by his election to the Presidency in March 1993.

Leading China

In the early 1990s, post-Tiananmen economic reforms had stabilized and the country was on a consistent growth trajectory. At the same time, China faced a myriad of economic and social problems. At Deng's state funeral in 1997, Jiang delivered the elder statesman's eulogy. Jiang had inherited a China rampant with political corruption, and regional economies growing too rapidly for the stability of the entire country. Deng's policy that "some areas can get rich before others" led to an opening wealth gap between coastal regions and the interior provinces. The unprecedented economic growth and the deregulation in a number of heavy industries led to the closing of many state-owned enterprises (SOE's), breaking the iron rice bowl. As a result, unemployment rates skyrocketed, rising as high as 40% in some urban areas. Stock markets fluctuated greatly. The scale of rural migration into urban areas was unprecedented anywhere, and little was being done to address an ever-increasing urban-rural wealth gap. Official reports put the figure on the percentage of China's GDP being moved and abused by corrupt officials at 10%.[14] A chaotic environment of illegal bonds issued from civil and military officials resulted in much of the corrupted wealth ending up in foreign countries. The re-emergence of organized crime and a surge in crime rates began to plague cities. A careless stance on the destruction of the environment furthered concerns voiced by intellectuals.[citation needed] Jiang's biggest aim in the economy was stability, and he believed that a stable government with highly centralised power would be a prerequisite, choosing to postpone political reform, which in many facets of governance exacerbated the on-going problems.[15] Jiang continued pouring funds to develop the Special Economic Zones and coastal regions.
Beginning in 1996, Jiang began a series of reforms in the state-controlled media aimed at promoting the "core of leadership" under himself, and at the same time crushing some of his political opponents. The personality enhancements in the media were largely frowned upon during the Deng era, and had not been seen since the Mao era in the late 1970s.[citation needed] The People's Daily and CCTV-1's 7 pm Xinwen Lianbo each had Jiang-related events as the front-page or top stories, a fact that remained until Hu Jintao's media administrative changes in 2006. Jiang appeared casual in front of Western media, and gave an unprecedented interview with Mike Wallace of CBS in 2000 at Beidaihe. He would often use foreign languages in front of the camera, albeit not always comprehensible. In an encounter with a Hong Kong reporter in 2000 regarding the central government's apparent "imperial order" of supporting Tung Chee-hwa to seek a second term as Chief Executive of Hong Kong, Jiang scolded the Hong Kong journalists as "too simple, sometimes naive" in English.[16] The event was shown on Hong Kong television that night, an event regarded to be in poor taste outside China.
Tong asserts that among the main features of Jiang’s domestic policy was his campaign against the Falun Gong, which once had tens of millions of followers in China. On 25 April 1999 upwards of 10,000 Falun Gong adherents protested outside the Zhongnanhai government compound to request official recognition,[17][18] in response to which Jiang declared the Falun Gong threat must be defeated.[17][19] According to Human Rights Watch, Communist Party leaders and ruling elite were far from unified in their support for the crackdown.[20] In June 1999, Jiang established an extralegal department, the 6-10 Office, to oversee the suppression of Falun Gong.[21] On 20 July, hundreds of Falun Gong adherents were allegedly abducted and detained.[17] The suppression that followed was characterized a nationwide campaign of propaganda, as well as the large-scale arbitrarily imprisonment and coercive reeducation of Falun Gong practitioners, sometimes resulting in death.[20][22][23] Under Jiang's leadership, the crackdown on Falun Gong became part of the Chinese political ethos of "upholding stability" – much the same rhetoric employed by the party during Tiananmen in 1989.[20] The scope and intensity of the campaign has been described as "unrivaled" in recent history,[24] and as being reminiscent of the extremes of the Cultural Revolution.[25][26] Falun Gong practitioners outside China have filed dozens of largely symbolic lawsuits against Jiang Zemin and other Chinese officials alleging genocide and crimes against humanity.[25][27] Although courts have refused to adjudicate the cases on the grounds of sovereign immunity in many instances, separate courts in Spain and Argentina indicted Jiang and other officials on the charge of torture and genocide and asked for their arrest in late 2009.[28][29]

Foreign policy

Jiang Zemin with Bill Clinton in 1999.
Jiang went on a groundbreaking state visit to the United States in 1997, drawing various crowds in protest from the Tibet Independence Movement to supporters of the Chinese democracy movement. He made a speech at Harvard University, part of it in passable English, but could not escape questions on democracy and freedom. In the official summit meeting with US President Bill Clinton, the tone was relaxed as Jiang and Clinton sought common ground while largely ignoring areas of disagreement. Clinton would visit China in June 1998, and vowed that China and the United States were partners in the world, and not adversaries. When American-led NATO bombed the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade in 1999, Jiang seemed to have put up a harsh stance for show at home, but in reality only performed symbolic gestures of protest, and no solid action.[15] Jiang's foreign policy was for the most part passive and non-confrontational. A personal friend of former Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chrétien,[30] Jiang strengthened China's economic stature abroad, attempting to establish cordial relations with countries whose trade is largely confined to the American economic sphere. Despite this, there were at least three serious flare-ups between China and the US during Jiang's tenure. The first was in 1996 when President Clinton dispatched warships to the Taiwan area during a period when the PLA appeared to be making threatening gestures. The second was the above-mentioned NATO bombing of Serbia and the third was the shootdown of a US spyplane over Hainan in April 2001.

Economic development

Jiang did not specialize in economics, and in 1997 handed most of the economic governance of the country to Zhu Rongji, who became Premier, and remained in office through the Asian financial crisis. Under their joint leadership, Mainland China has sustained an average of 8% GDP growth annually, achieving the highest rate of per capita economic growth in major world economies, raising eyebrows around the world with its astonishing speed. This was mostly achieved by continuing the process of a transition to a market economy. Strong party control over China was cemented by the PRC's successful bid to join the World Trade Organization and Beijing winning the bid to host the 2008 Summer Olympics.

Entrenching Three Represents

Before he transferred power to a younger generation of leaders, Jiang had his theory of Three Represents written into the Party's constitution, alongside Marxism–Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, and Deng Xiaoping Theory at the 16th CPC Congress in 2002. Critics believe this is just another piece added to Jiang's cult of personality, others have seen practical applications of the theory as a guiding ideology in the future direction of the CPC. Largely speculated to step down from all positions by international media, rival Li Ruihuan's resignation in 2002 prompted analysts to rethink the man. The theory of Three Represents was believed by many political analysts to be Jiang's effort at extending his vision to Marxist–Leninist principles, and therefore elevating himself alongside previous Chinese Marxist philosophers Mao and Deng.

Gradual retirement

Jiang Zemin with wife Wang Yeping and George W. Bush with wife Laura Bush in Crawford, Texas in 2002.
In 2002, Jiang stepped down from the powerful CPC Politburo Standing Committee and CPC General Secretary to make way for a "fourth generation" of leadership headed by Hu Jintao, marking the beginning of a transition of power that would last several years. Hu assumed Jiang's title as party head, becoming the new General Secretary of the Communist Party of China. Six out of the nine new members of Standing Committee at the time were considered part of Jiang's so-called "Shanghai Clique", the most prominent being Vice President Zeng Qinghong and First Vice Premier Huang Ju.
Although Jiang retained the chairmanship of the powerful Central Military Commission, most members of the commission are professional military men. Liberation Army Daily, a publication thought to represent the views of the CMC majority, printed an article on 11 March 2003 which quotes two army delegates as saying, "Having one center is called 'loyalty', while having two centers will result in 'problems.'"[31] This was widely interpreted as a criticism of Jiang's attempt to exercise dual leadership with Hu on the model of Deng Xiaoping.
Hu succeeded Jiang as General Secretary of the Communist Party of China on 15 November 2002. To the surprise of many observers, evidence of Jiang's continuing influence on public policy abruptly disappeared from the official media. Jiang was conspicuously silent during the SARS crisis, especially when compared to the very public profile of Hu and Wen Jiabao. It has been argued that the institutional arrangements created by the 16th Congress have left Jiang in a position where he cannot exercise much influence.[32] Although many of the members of the Politburo Standing Committee are associated with him, the Standing Committee does not have command authority over the civilian bureaucracy.
On 19 September 2004, after a four-day meeting of the 198-member Central Committee, Jiang resigned as chairman of the CPC Central Military Commission, his last party post. Six months later he resigned his last significant post, chairman of the State CMC. This followed weeks of speculation that Hu Jintao's supporters in the Communist Party leadership were pressing Jiang to step aside. Jiang's term was supposed to have lasted until 2007. Hu also succeeded Jiang as the CMC chairman, but, in an apparent political defeat for Jiang, General Xu Caihou, and not Zeng Qinghong was appointed to succeed Hu as vice chairman. This power transition officially marks the end of Jiang's era in China, which roughly lasted from 1993 to 2004.[33]
Although Jiang has been seldom seen in public since giving up his last official title in 2004, he was with Hu Jintao on stage at a ceremony celebrating the 80th anniversary of the founding of the People's Liberation Army,[34] and toured the Military Museum of the Chinese Peoples Revolution with Li Peng, Zhu Rongji, and other former senior officials.[35] On 8 August 2008, Jiang appeared at the opening ceremony of the Beijing Olympics Games. He also stood beside Hu Jintao during 60th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China mass parade in October 2009.
In 2011, Jiang was subject to internet rumors of his death[36] as he was absent from public events such as the 90th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party. As a response, Chinese censors blocked searches for the words "Jiang Zemin", or even simply "Jiang". On 6 July, Hong Kong media carried headlines that Jiang was "critically ill", while the TV station ATV reported that Jiang had died in Beijing.[37] State news agency Xinhua, quoting "authoritative sources", declared that overseas media reports of Jiang's death were "pure rumor".[38][39]
On 9 October 2011, Jiang made his first public appearance since his premature obituary in Beijing at a celebration to commemorate the 100th anniversary of the Xinhai Revolution.[40]
Jiang reappeared again at the 18th party congress in October 2012.

Legacy

Jiang Zemin's inscription engraved on a stone in his hometown, Yangzhou
Jiang's legacy is subject to the debate of historians and biographers. Formally, Jiang's theory of "Three Represents" was enshrined in both Party and State constitutions as an "important thought," alongside Mao Zedong Thought and Deng Xiaoping Theory. However, apart from official pronouncements by the media and party publications, the theory has had limited influence. It has receded in importance over the years, as his successors' ideologies such as the "Scientific Development Concept" and "Chinese Dream" became more dominant. Jiang has come under quiet criticism from within the Communist Party of China for focusing on economic growth at all costs while ignoring the resulting environmental damage of the growth, the widening gap between rich and poor in China and the social costs absorbed by those whom economic reform has left behind.[41] By contrast, the policies of his successors, Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao have widely been seen as efforts to address these imbalances and move away from a sole focus on economic growth toward a broader view of development which incorporates non-economic factors such as health and the environment.[42]
Domestically, Jiang's legacy and reputation is mixed. While some[43] people attributed the period of relative stability and growth in the 1990s to Jiang's term, others argue that Jiang did little to correct mistakes resulting from Deng Xiaoping's economic reforms, leaving the next administration facing innumerable problems, some of which it is too late to solve.[44] The fact he arose to power as the direct beneficiary of the political aftermath of Tiananmen has shaped the perception of Jiang in the eyes of many. Indeed, his support for elder Chen Yun's conservative economic policies following the 1989 protests and his subsequent shift in loyalty to Deng Xiaoping's reform-oriented agenda following the latter's "Southern Tour" was seen as the exercise of a political opportunist.[45] Some have also associated Jiang with the widespread corruption and cronyism that had become a notable feature of the Communist power apparatus since Jiang's years in power. His interference with high profile corruption investigations since stepping down from power, such as those involving Shanghai tycoon Zhou Zhengyi, has only served to reinforce this perception.
Jiang's obsession with image has also spurred a myriad of "face projects" around the country, where expensive public works projects are carried out for the purpose of bolstering the image of the local leadership.[46] While his showy nature has often been considered charming and even charismatic by the west,[47] in the relatively more conservative Chinese society it was often perceived as frivolous, pompous and lacking in character and substance. Jiang's Theory of Three Represents justified the incorporation of the new capitalist business class into the party, and changed the founding ideology of the CPC from protection of the peasantry and workers to that of the "overwhelming majority of the people", a euphemism aimed at including the growing entrepreneurial class. Conservative critics within the party have quietly denounced this as betrayal of the communist ideology, while reformers have praised Jiang as a visionary.[48] Such a move, however, increasingly justified a newly found collusion between the business and ruling elites, thus significantly linking bureaucracy and financial gain, which critics argued fosters more corruption. Some have suggested this is the part of Jiang's legacy that will last, at least in name, as long as the communists remain in power.[49]
Many biographers of Jiang have noted his government resembled an oligarchy as opposed to an autocratic dictatorship.[50] Many of his policies have been attributed to others in government,notably Premier Zhu Rongji, whose tense relationship with Jiang caused widespread speculation, especially following Jiang's decision to suppress the Falun Gong movement.[51] Jiang is often credited with the improvement in foreign relations during his term,[52] but at the same time many Chinese have criticized him for being too conciliatory towards the United States and Russia. The issue of Chinese reunification between the mainland and Taiwan gained ground during Jiang's term,[53] as Cross-Strait talks led to the eventual Three Links after Jiang stepped down as Party general secretary. The construction of the Qinghai–Tibet Railway and the Three Gorges Dam began under Jiang.

Saturday, September 27, 2014

Extended Thoughts

 
 
 
Summer days enlarge
the length of their duration,
and cotton-candy clouds blanket
the earth in infinitely many shapes,
Let the bonfire blaze,
and dancing feet tango and amaze,
Let the first date glitter
and halt brittenrish rain
  fromgrowing deeper,
Yellow waxen street lights
cast daydream alike reflections in water,
Whisper in orchards of love
motivate sweet honeydew,
some measures comely tread,
Some stories delightfully read,
Some limitless wisdom dwell,
through knotted riddles knowledge glow...
Winter days freeze the delights
and cut tedious times
while July's extended days
sing its songs in morning breeze.

Thursday, September 11, 2014

Remembering 9/11 Posted on 2 Hours Ago by Paul Sieminski




Thirteen years ago, I was safe: in the bucolic hills of central Virginia, in a classroom at my law school, when everything happened.
Don’t think I can say anything about the day that haven’t been said before – other than I won’t ever forget it.
One thing I’ve done each 9/11 is go deep into my email archives to re-read an email that our law school dean sent on the afternoon of 9/11/2001.
Dean Jeffries is an exceptional lawyer and eloquent man, and I thought his message that day was just right. Re-reading it, each year, reminds me of how everyone was feeling that day, but also of the spirit of family and community that’s so special about my alma mater, UVA…and how important that is on tragic days like 9/11.
Fellow Members of the Law School Community:
Today’s events quite naturally preoccupy the attention of faculty, students, and staff. Many members of our community have relatives or loved ones whose safety is in doubt. They cannot be expected to carry on in the face of such uncertainty. The the best way to accommodate the situation in which we now find ourselves is to suspend official Law School activities for the remainder of the day.

I hope, however, that we shall soon be able to return to a Law School schedule as nearly normal as circumstances permit. Acts of terrorism are designed to intimidate and demoralize. The worst response that we as a community — or as a nation — could make to today’s attacks would be to acquiesce in the reaction they were designed to produce. Instead, we must remain steadfast and resolute.

In a few days, when the casualties are fully known, we are likely to find that members of our community have suffered grievous loss. To them, we shall extend our care, our support, our affection, and our understanding.

Anyone who has specific information is asked to communicate with the dean’s office so that we can do what we can to help.
John Jeffries



google.com

Saturday, August 23, 2014

Defining Success

 

 Former Diving Star "Fu Ming Xia and her family"
To smile often and free,
to win approval of admirable people,
and the respect of young children,
To receive honorable mention of professionals,
and to endure the betrayal of foes,
          to promote beauty,
          to discover new talents in others,
          to help the confused minds,
          ...
          do your best,
          never mind what's discouraging out there,
          feel proud of yourself,
          Because you have lived a fulfilling life,
          which shows that you have succeed.

Jin Jin Guo, newly married to Rich Guy "Huo"
newly elected Chinese Leaders, 7 of them
Retired Chinese Leaders, Hu Jintao and Jiang Zemin
Google.com

Friday, July 25, 2014

5 Questions with DM Productions co-chairs By Megan Thielking

5 Questions with DM Productions co-chairs
By
Video by Adam Mintzer, GIF by John Hardberger / North by Northwestern

NBN sat down with DM Production co-chairs McCormick junior Caleb Young & Communcations senior Jas Baziuk.

Tell me what it's been like to have a headset on and have a voice in your ear all weekend.
JB: I actually don't know what it's like to do DM without a voice in my head. I've had a radio for three out of four years, so I'm kind of used to it by now.
CY: This is my third year with DM and my first year with a radio. It makes me feel important, so that's cool. But it's also always challenging, because you're talking to someone else and then the radio will come on and you kind of have to interrupt conversations. So, it takes a little bit of getting used to.

What have you guys been up to? 
JB: For a good portion of the first chunk I was adding slides onto the computer to make sure that everything would be on the computer at the time it needed to be put up. We've been working with everybody about, like, if we're running late, then what do we do next, and that kind of stuff.
CY: Our whole committed is to designed to work when everything's going according to plan, and when everything isn't going according to plan, we're kind of there to change the plan. If it's not going according to plan, to get it back on track. Overall, so far, it's going very smoothly, but you know there've been a few instances where we've changed around things, and got everything back on track.

Can you talk about the change to nearly all LED lights in the tent? 
CY: For awhile now, we're using what are called LED lights for Productions, but this year is the first year we kind of went all-out with those and basically used all LEDs, with a few minor exceptions. So basically, LEDs are a super-efficent form of lights, and so by using those for all our overhead lights, it draws a lot less current, and so a lot less power from the source.

How does it feel to be past the halfway point? 
CY: I think for me, it kinda just feels like we've finally kinda got the hang of it...The first half was kind of me figuring things out, and now I'm just excited to kind of enjoy the ride for the rest of it.
JB: I'm really sad. I'm a senior and I'm also graduating next week, so DM is the, like, end of my college career this weekend. Being over halfway through is kind of devastating. That's how I'm feeling right now.

How did you change the staging this year to accomodate the beneficiary's needs?
JB: Obviously with our beneficiary being Team Joseph, we had to have a wheelchair-accessible stage. So we worked pretty hard to implement one. We went through a lot of different designs of where to put it, and we ended up deciding to put it behind the stage because that seemed to be the best option for everything that we need to do.

CY: We just made sure that when we did the ramp, we wanted it to be compliant with requirements. And so the requirement that applies here is for every inch of rise, you need 12 inches of run. So for a 3 foot stage, that applies to 36 feet of ramp. There's also a requirement that if it's more than 30 feet, you have to have a landing halfway down...We had to go through a lot of iterations to figure out where to really place it.



google.com

Wednesday, July 9, 2014

Wish By Lance Henson

 

Somewhere
a niche
a morning of
dusk
where your
voice
repeat the only
word you know.
 
 
 
google.com

Friday, June 13, 2014

Father's Day Thank You By Karl and Joanna Fuchs

 
 
 
Dad,
The adventure of life
that made mother your wife
proved how wise you can be.
Your decision was great;
you chose a great mate,
and started our family tree.
When I came along,
life was easy, a song;
I was happy, and you were the key.
So on Father's Day,
I just want to say,
thank you for fathering me!
 
 
google.com